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David McCullough - TABLE OF CONTENTS. Part 1 q Chapter One Sovereign q Chapter Two Rabble r Section I r Section II r Section III q Chapter Three. by David McCullough - Chapter One - Free download as PDF File .pdf), Text File .txt) or read online for free. In , David McCullough's bestselling. This teacher's guide provides a brief summary of , divided by chapter and David McCullough was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, and educated .. http:// teshimaryokan.info .
The darkest hours of that tumultuous year were as dark as any Americans have known. In December he received the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the nation's highest civilian award. They have seized the public revenue, and assumed to themselves legislative, executive, and judicial powers, which they already exercise in the most arbitrary manner. Returns are shipped at the customer's risk. We are unable to deliver faster than stated. From years of experience North had also learned to count votes in advance, and he knew now, as did nearly everyone present, that the decided majority of the Commons, like the people at large, stood behind the King. We are unable to offer combined shipping for multiple items purchased.
British troops remained under siege at Boston and were running short of food and supplies. By the time the first news of Lexington and Concord arrived, it was the end of May and Parliament had begun its long summer holiday, its members departing London for their country estates.
At a hurried meeting at 10 Downing Street, on July 26, the Cabinet decided to send 2, reinforcements to Boston without delay and to have an army of no fewer than 20, regulars in America by the follow- ing spring. Bunker Hill was proclaimed a British victory, which technically it was.
As was observed acidly in both London and Boston, a few more such victories would surely spell ruin for the victors. A few of the men came on shore, when never hardly were seen such objects: There were, moreover, near sixty women and children on board, the widows and children of men who were slain.
Some of these too exhibited a most shocking spectacle; and even the vessel itself, though very large, was almost intolerable, from the stench arising from the sick and wounded. The miseries of the troops still besieged at Boston, and of those Amer- icans loyal to the King who, fearing for their lives, had abandoned every- thing to find refuge in the town, were also described in letters published in the London papers or in correspondence to friends and relatives in Lon- don.
We are entirely blocked up. It is inconceivable the distress and ruin this unnatural dispute has caused to this town and its inhabitants. Almost every shop and store is shut. No business of any kind is going on. The clothes upon my back and a few dollars in my pocket are now the only property which I have. Despite the war, or more likely because of it, the King remained popular in the country at large and could count on a loyal following in Parliament.
So, too, did the immense patronage and public money that were his alone to dispense. And if that were not sufficient, there was the outright bribery that had become standard in a blatantly mercenary system not of his making, but that he readily employed to get his way. Indeed, bribery, favoritism, and corruption in a great variety of forms were rampant not only in politics, but at all levels of society.
The clergy and such celebrated observers of the era as Jonathan Swift and Tobias Smollett had long since made it a favorite subject. To much of the press and the opposition in Parliament, the American war and its handling could not have been more misguided. Have you forgot us? Their vigor would be quickly cooled. The King, meanwhile, had recalled General Thomas Gage, his com- mander-in-chief at Boston, and in his place put the stouthearted William Howe.
Behind the scenes, Lord North had quietly begun negotiations with several German princes of Hesse and Brunswick to hire mercenary troops. By the crisp, sunny afternoon of October 26, as George III proceeded on his way to the opening of Parliament, his popularity had never seemed higher.
Opposition to the war, as everyone knew, was stronger and more vociferous in London than anywhere in the country, yet here were crowds greater than any since his ascension to the throne.
Further, they appeared in the best of spirits, as even the London Public Advertiser took note. The members of the House of Commons, for whom no seats were provided, remained standing at the rear.
The magnitude of the moment was lost on no one. He had a good voice that carried well. They have raised troops, and are collecting a naval force.
They have seized the public revenue, and assumed to themselves legislative, executive, and judicial powers, which they already exercise in the most arbitrary manner. And although many of these unhappy people may still retain their loyalty. There must be no more misconceptions about the true intent of those deceiving the unhappy people of America.
I need not dwell upon the fatal effects of the success of such a plan. The object is too important, the spirit of the British nation too high, the resources with which God hath blessed her too numerous, to give up so many colonies which she has planted with great industry, nursed with great tenderness, encouraged with many commercial advantages, and protected and defended at much expense of blood and treasure.
He had confirmed that he was committing land and sea forces—as well as unnamed foreign mercenaries—sufficient to put an end to that rebellion, and he had denounced the leaders of the uprising for having American independence as their true objective, something those leaders themselves had not as yet openly declared. In the House of Lords, expressions of support were spirited though comparatively brief.
The King was praised for his resolution to uphold the interests and honor of the kingdom, praised for his decisiveness. Those in opposition had more to say, and spoke at times with pro- nounced emotion. Is it their intention, by thus perpetually sounding independence in the ears of the Americans, to lead them to it? The one surprise, as the debate continued, was a vehement speech by the Duke of Grafton, Augustus Henry Fitzroy, former Prime Minister, who had not previously opposed the administration.
Admitting to his ignorance of the real state of things in America—and inferring that this was no uncommon handicap in Parliament—he boldly proposed the repeal of every act concerning America since the incendiary Stamp Act of This, I will venture to assert, will answer every end; and nothing less will accomplish any effectual purpose, without scenes of ruin and destruction, which I cannot think on without the utmost grief and horror.
How could any noble lord possibly condemn the policies of the administration, or withdraw support, without at least giving them a fair trial? It was in the Commons that the longer, more turbulent conflict ensued. Of the twenty or so who rose to speak, few held back. Attacks on the King, Lord North, the Foreign Ministry in general, and on one another at times brought the heat of debate to the boiling point.
It was Parliament as theater, and gripping, even if the outcome, like much of theater, was understood all along.
For importantly it was also well understood, and deeply felt, that the historic chamber was again the setting for history, that issues of the utmost consequence, truly the fate of nations, were at stake.
Let me remind you of those extensive and successful wars that this country has carried on before the continent of America was known. Let me turn your attention to that period when you defended this very people from the attacks of the most powerful and valiant nation in Europe [France], when your armies gave law, and your fleets rode triumphant on every coast. Shall we be told then that this people [the Americans], whose greatness is the work of our hands, and whose inso- lence arises from our divisions, who have mistaken the lenity of this country for its weakness, and the reluctance to punish, for a want of power to vindicate the violated rights of British subjects—shall we be told that such a people can resist the powerful efforts of this nation?
At about the time the chandeliers were being lighted in the House, John Wilkes, Lord Mayor of London, champion of the people and the homeliest man in Parliament, stood to be heard, and to let there be no doubt that he was John Wilkes.
I trust no part of the subjects of this vast empire will ever submit to be slaves. We are fighting for the subjection, the unconditional submission of a country infinitely more extended than our own, of which every day increases the wealth, the natural strength, the population.
Should we not succeed. And this, he said, must be done quickly and decisively, as an act of humanity. Half measures would not do. Half measures could lead only to the horrors of civil war.
Men are to be brought to this black business hood-winked. They are to be drawn in by degrees, until they cannot retreat. Johnstone praised the people of New England for their courage and fortitude. Because an inconsiderable party, inconsistent in their own policies, and always hostile to all government but their own, endeavor to obstruct our measures, and clog the wheels of government?
Let us rather second the indignant voice of the nation, which presses in from all quarters upon the Sovereign, calling loudly for vigorous mea- sures. Sir, we have been too long deaf. We have too long shown our forbearance and long-suffering. Our thunders must go forth.
America must be conquered. As the night wore on, Lord North, the stout, round-shouldered Prime Minister, remained conspicuously silent in his front-bench seat, his large, nearsighted eyes and full cheeks giving him the look, as the wit Horace Walpole said, of a blind trumpeter.
North was much liked—moderate, urbane, and intelligent. He had made his career in the Commons and, with his affable manner, had acquired few if any enemies among his polit- ical opponents. When attacked, he took no offense. He could be a markedly persuasive speaker but was equally capable, when need be, of remaining silent, even napping a bit.
From years of experience North had also learned to count votes in advance, and he knew now, as did nearly everyone present, that the decided majority of the Commons, like the people at large, stood behind the King. Perhaps the most telling moment of the whole heated session came near midnight, when another army officer, but of an older generation than John Dyke Acland, rose to speak.
Burke, in customary fashion, took his time. Nearly all that he said, he and others had said before, but he saw no harm in repetition, or any need for hurry.
He held the floor for nearly two hours, a large part of his speech devoted to the disgrace of British forces cooped up in Boston by those said to be an undisciplined rabble.
There were no ringing lines from Burke this time, little at all for the newspapers to quote. But his intellect and oratorical gifts were second to none. He always spoke spontaneously, never from notes or a prepared text.
Fox, it would be observed, would as soon write down what he was going to say as pay a bill before it came due.
Lord Chatham, the King of Prussia, nay, Alexander the Great, never gained more in one campaign than the noble lord has lost—he has lost a whole continent.
It was time for a change in the administration, time for new policies. The present ministers were enemies of freedom. I cannot consent to the bloody consequences of so silly a contest about so silly an object, conducted in the silliest manner that history or observation has ever furnished an instance of, and from which we are likely to derive nothing but poverty, disgrace, defeat, and ruin. Once Fox finished, North stood at his place and calmly allowed he had no wish to remain a day in office were he to be judged inactive, inatten- tive, or inconsiderate.
North was not a man enamored with war. He had nothing of the look or temperament of a war leader. Privately he was not at all sure it would be possible to vanquish the Americans, and he worried about the cost. The intention now, he affirmed, was to send a powerful sea and land force across the Atlantic. As time would show, however, the real purpose of such peace gestures was to speed up an American surrender.
This is, in my opinion, the most likely means of producing an honorable reconciliation.
In the House of Commons, their impassioned speeches notwithstand- ing, the opposition was defeated by an even greater margin, to By the time the vote in the Commons had concluded, it was four in the morning. One of those members of the House of Commons who had refrained from speaking, and who felt extremely pleased with the outcome, was the gentleman-scholar Edward Gibbon.
A supporter of Lord North, Gibbon never spoke on any issue. Soon after, in early November, King George III appointed a new Sec- retary for the American colonies, Lord George Germain, a choice that left little doubt, if any remained, that the King, too, considered the con- quest of America serious work to which he was seriously committed. Germain was to replace the Earl of Dartmouth, whose attitude toward the war seemed at times less than wholehearted.
He was a proud, intelligent, exceedingly serious man of sixty, tall, physically impressive, and, notably unlike the King and Lord North, he was a soldier. He was not charged with cowardice, as his critics liked to say. At a court-martial called at his own insistence, he was found guilty only of disobedience. But his military career ended when the court declared him unfit for further service.
As a politician in the years since, he had performed diligently, earning a high reputation as an administrator. In his new role he would direct the main operations of the war and was expected to take a firm hand. We are unable to deliver faster than stated. We are unable to offer combined shipping for multiple items purchased. This is because our items are shipped from different locations. Please contact Customer Services and request "Return Authorisation" before you send your item back to us.
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