Kalendarium dzisięciolecia (): 'To My Kibice' 2, pp. ://teshimaryokan.info content/early//10/26/teshimaryokan.info+html on 29th August it was total madness until the end of the game' (To My Kibice!, 7). Group emotions are satu- rated with symbolic elements: in ecstatic support, fans wave. The 'Calendar of the decade –' published in the To My Kibice! ('It's Us the Fans!') magazine says: 'In , ultras groups sprang up like mushrooms. .
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This leads to the release of emotional energy, giving a sense of power, control and euphoria. Collins R Interaction Ritual Chains. Beast from the East — history of Polish hooligan movement! Sociology of Sport Journal 14 3: In the early years of the post transformation, the culture of violence in Polish football stadiums developed on an unprecedented scale. Posted in soft,notes Leave a comment. The present paper aims to outline and explain the social world of the most commit- ted football supporters in Poland.
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But everyone can do it in the stadium. There are a few thousand people here reacting just like me. Lechia Gdansk supporter This account can also be taken as evidence for an argument that sport provides the modern individual with an opportunity to release emotions and tension Elias and Dunning, The surge of emotions enables an escape from the mundane: The hall was packed and there were no people there by chance.
It was filled with this spirit of Power that we are. The community experience and repeated rituals evoke extraordinary emotions and bridge individual identity with the group, its values and norms.
Group and social identity dimension In the context of social identity some questions could be proposed: Addressing these issues, Amir Ben Porat writes: The club is an inherent part of the identity discourse of the individual. For me, Lechia is above anything. I try to do it in a good way. The indi- vidual identity of supporters replicates the norms of a particular habitus generated by the social identity of the fan community.
Initially, supporters follow the situation created by others their fathers, uncles, older brothers, friends, as the socialisation of football fans in Poland is an entirely men-led process , which is how the values and norms of conduct are transmitted. Fans of the clubs which are normally hostile to Lechia donated blood, collected money and held Holy Masses for the victims.
Social identity theory Postmes and Branscombe, ; Robinson, ; Tajfel and Turner, proves a useful analytical tool in the study of football supporters. According to this approach, behaviour generated in a group stems from a shared definition of a situ- ation vis-a-vis group identity Stott et al. The fact that Polish supporters can become united above divisions is also connected with their sense of being discriminated against and subjected to intolerance: We are people and we have the same right to freedom as the rest of the society!
Rather than developing a victim syndrome, however, this sense of injustice leads to the consolidation of group power: Shows of support performed in the stadiums include such slogans as: Another uncompro- mising slogan is that of Cracovia Cracow: Reference to metaphorical content which is difficult to operationalise in cultural prac- tice is proof of a search for the most powerful categories defining identity.
Other mottos include references to tradi- tion and history: Symbolic and ideological dimension The culture of a given group and its collective identity are manifested in the approach of its members to their key symbols Swidler, Polish fans build their identity narra- tion, both individual and collective, around club symbols. Celebration of club symbols takes different forms: My daughters, both of them, they wear the colours all the time.
Football supporters perceive their symbols in terms of the sacred, which explains why they defend them so fiercely.
An unsuccessful, nearly km chase as far as Warsaw ensued. It is generally accepted that flags and scarves cannot be stolen in a burglary e.
It is a dishonourable act to steal flags from women, people with children and disabled supporters, or to do so using dangerous instruments, such as knives.
Firstly, cooperation with the police is not allowed, whatever the circumstances. Secondly, people who devote themselves to the club organise various actions, go to away matches regardless of the performance of the team or the day of the week are held in high esteem. Fourthly, all inter-club rivalries are suspended during the matches of the national team. This ideological turn has been observed in recent years, although anti-communist traditions have been characteristic of Polish fans since at least the s.
Inter-club animosities are suspended for the duration of the event, which includes the Holy Mass, the blessing of club scarves and lectures on patriotic issues. It is held to the motto: For a few years now, fans have been taking part in the Independence Day march, organised on 11 November in Warsaw; they also engage in anniversary celebrations, such as those commemorating the Warsaw Uprising Stadium cho- reographies prepared by ultras groups often include slogans referring to the important figures and events of Polish history: The following comment from a Widzew Downloaded from irs.
Wearing the colours is a sacrifice. If someone defends his scarf today, maybe he is up to defending his country.
Performative dimension: An analysis of this dimension involves both technical issues material, paints, etc.
Cultural performance has a reflexive function, as it enables the expression of the self and cultural awareness Schechner, Thus, performances are empirical indi- cators of cultural values which have so far remained in the conceptual sphere or in the sphere of awareness. Today, when Polish fandom culture is no longer defined in terms of physical violence, hostility between different groups of fans takes the form of rivalry involving perfor- mance competition.
Social identity is also maintained through performances making reference to hegem- ony, grandeur and supremacy: By means of perfor- mances, supporters pledge their commitment to the spectators and to tradition Carlson, When analysing fan performances, the key task is to capture the elements of their content representing collective self-awareness, collective ideas and identity.
Stadium Downloaded from irs. Supporters also show that they are ready to take action, e. The verbal content was complemented with a visual image of a giant, masked football fan with a flare in one hand and a flag with a football on it in the other. This came as a reply to the UEFA deci- sion to remove the Polish club from the Champions League Legia had won the two- legged tie against Celtic 6—1 on aggregate, but was found to have fielded an ineligible player in one of the matches.
Nothing will destroy the fanatics! Fanatyzmu nic nie zniszczy! Such attempts to preserve the values of fandom culture require a consolidated social capital mobilising resources in a number of fields.
Civil dimension: Firstly, it is a form of social action related to cultural space the club. Secondly, it is a collective process, as supporters have been able to take the managerial responsibility only as a group bound by a community spirit. The organisational strength of Polish football fans stems from their hermetic social identity generating strong cohesion within the group. Principles based on loyalty to fel- low members and group symbols are the factors which enhance the mobilisation of the resources of group members in various situations.
For example, organising a trip of a few hundred or a few thousand supporters to an away match would not be possible without the skill of activating social capital. It also has other important functions, such as making it possible to achieve aims which would be unattainable for an individual, even if equipped with the technological resources required Coleman, Social capital, fuelled by social interaction within the group, is complemented by cul- tural capital which manifests itself in values or other creations of the group.
In the case under consideration, both forms of capital are interdependent, as social interaction results from the key cultural values the club as an autotelic value , consolidated in the course of repeated interaction rituals. The combination of the two capitals is instrumental in explaining why supporters decided to take over management of some clubs which had gone into severe decline as a result of disastrous management or excessive debt. In Hutnik, decisions concerning the club involve the principles of civic participation, with all members of the association of supporters who regularly pay their membership fee acquiring the right to vote.
This case provides an interesting example for the discussion of relations between social capital and the devel- opment of democratic procedures. It is increasingly more often that fandom culture becomes institutionalised in the form of official associations, involved in organising charity actions and celebrations of impor- tant historical events.
Thus, fandom demands a new critical conceptualisation in the sociological perspective. Thus, if fan communities resemble the early stage of a social movement, they should be analysed in a broader context. Can this culture give rise to a creative social movement? Although fandom culture does not aim to change the political system, it is a voice against the discourse of commercialisation; it also raises the issues concerning the essence of local identity or patriotic ideas.
In this way, the post Downloaded from irs. The modernisation of Polish football has liberated the stadiums from hooligan violence. Currently there are two enclaves of hooligan activity: Since such confronta- tions are illegal, they involve a certain level of conspiracy, reflected in the metaphors used to describe the activity: They are bare knuckle fights held between teams of equal sizes, according to set rules and with no third party present.
Such groups are still a part of fandom culture and go to away matches ready for physical confrontation, the oppor- tunities for which, however, are increasingly rare, and take place strictly outside stadiums. The other enclave stems from the professionalisation of the hooligan niche: Teams composed of five members face their opponents in a large ring, and their confrontation is supposed to resemble a street fight controlled by referees.
Theoretically, the lowest levels of the Polish football league system the Fourth League and below , where the police presence is much lower, offer certain opportunities for fans eager for physical confrontation with other supporters. However, the most con- solidated fan groups in Poland are associated with the top leagues.
It is unlikely that they would be interested in trips to small towns, where fan groups have several dozen mem- bers at the most, to revive the hooligan atmosphere of the s. Rather, it seems that the future of the fan movement in Poland is going to take a different course. What is going to be increasingly more important is the ultras-style performances, the consolidation of collective correlates of social identity, promotion of conservative ideas, and social and charity activity.
In this way, the marginalisation of the hooligan dimension of fandom culture, which dominated the scene until relatively recently, can result in its social devel- opment on an unprecedented scale. Research was conducted thanks to a research grant from the Polish National Centre of Science no. Notes 1.
They are the most committed category, devoting a considerable part of their lives to the club and their fellow group members. Currently, the only supporters who have not become its members are Cracovia Cracow fans. References Abrahams RD Ordinary and extraordinary experience. University of Illinois Press, pp. Alexander JC Cultural pragmatics: Social performance between ritual and strategy. Symbolic Action, Cultural Pragmatics, and Ritual.
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