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Kultura film. Hertz, Aleksander. Business insurance planning services inc Business insurance planning services inc value of critical thinking in the real world published research papers on macbeth creative writing course uk assignment vs delegation in contract law telstra business plans iphone x printable cat writing paper handicraft business plan biology essay graphic organizer dissertations and theses from start to finish psychology and related fields pdf, innovative business plan ideas humor essay collections dissertation paper format videos about problem solving for teenagers argumentative essay school uniforms introduction algebra 1 problem solving strategies real analysis homework solutions inc essays on george washington carver. In the mids, Giedroyc foresaw an explosion of social dissatisfaction. Giedroyc appealed to the West for support in , adding: Habielski, Rafal.
The only alternative be- came the US, which, however, was, in his opinion, an immature political power. According to Bobkowski, the West betrayed the moral and ideological values it espoused, and was driven solely by economic-political interests. Moreover, it did not even have the courage to acknowledge its crisis. The consequence was an in- ability to oppose the expanding and strengthening power of totalitarian ideol- ogy — i.
Stempowski also blamed the West for ignoring the ongoing Holocaust: Giedroyc defended the publication of the reportage, for it unleashed a discussion that was possible only because of a Western freedom of speech. Only the US could bring about the new epoch, since it was the only state with the spiritual power needed to overcome the crisis Giedroyc, Autobiografia — One option was to create a European federation. Kultura first thought that a pan-European federation should be the precondition for a European balance of power.
However, after , when West Germany was becoming ever more powerful, Kultura changed its concept by calling for a federation of states in Central Europe that could become a regional defense against Ger- man or Russian domination, or against another German-Soviet pact.
Kultura even proposed the creation of international military regiments of volunteers from Central Europe who would be stationed in the West. Kultura published various concepts of a new organization for postwar Eu- rope. Ray- mond Aron proposed creating a single European body encompassing both the Western and Eastern parts; although he criticized Marxism and Commu- nism, he also perceived many errors in the capitalist system.
Exile Cultures Abroad count on a federated Central Europe, because it does not lie in the interests of the West. At the beginning, its journalists counted on the complete destruction of Communism and underscored the mutual inter- ests of Central Europe and America, hypothesizing that the US would win in a war. A fundamental shift occurred after the publication of George F. Kultura criticized Kennan for regarding the Baltic countries, Belarus, and the Ukraine as belonging to the Soviet Union, but it declared that in light of the American position it was unreasonable to count on the destruc- tion of Communism and the Soviet Union.
The doctrine changed in , when the superpowers entered into a political dialogue Korek 71— The aims of the Congress were similar to those of the Instytut Literacki Laqueur. It demanded an ideology-free culture, and a Europe liberated from from Soviet dictatorship.
Many intellectuals supported the Congress. He blamed the West: What could the youth of these nations think about the victorious allies? The best aid would be to open a university for Central European refugees. Although the school educated several hundred stu- dents of various nationalities, it contributed little to the cultural integration of Central Europe because it did received insufficient Western support.
For example, fearing Soviet reaction, the Americans,did not allow Ukrainians to study at the school Korek 98; Kowalczyk Giedroyc. American politics is not only American politics; in a certain sense, it is also British, Bel- gian, Dutch, Danish, and … Polish politics. In this context, voicing the independence of Polish politics from America […] is complete and utter nonsense. We, the Emigration, are tied to America, just as the Western nations are tied to America, when American policy is proper and expedient, as well as when its policy is wrong.
Redaktor, Kultura , nr. Today we do not attempt to persuade anyone to go to Vietnam to fight the com- munists. Does this mean we have changed our conviction?
No, we changed only our pol- icy and tactic, because the international situation has undergone a radical trans- formation. The manifest of the Professor at Freibourg con- cerned the structure of future Poland, as well as its situation in Europe. It was based on the claim that a constant presence of freedom and equality will de- cide the history of Europe. Exile Cultures Abroad to mass slavery on a scale heretofore unknown.
The acceptance of Bolshev- ism was a prelude to a Soviet occupation of the entire continent. In order to cast off Russian Communism, the European nations would have to integrate politically: Kultura attempted also to hammer out the foundations of a historic Polish- German memorandum of understanding, which would have Germany de- clare the inviolability of the western Polish borders and its support of a fed- eration in Central Europe.
After the bloody suppression of the Hungarian Revolt by the Red Army, and the events in Poland in the years —58, Giedroyc became con- vinced that the so-called liberalization of the communist system was not an evolution but rather social engineering, that is, controlled change within a framework that communist powers tightly defined.
They claimed that the Party bureau- cracy lived off the workers, and they called for a proletarian revolution to overthrow the parasite. For Giedroyc, it was obvious that evolutionism, which still had its proponents, would not lead to the desired outcomes.
Polish society was intimidated and inca- pable of self-organizing. In the mids, Giedroyc finally gave up the concept of evol- utionism. Exile Cultures Abroad important goal: These young intellec- tuals came to an understanding with Giedroyc. They wanted to link the demo- cratic opposition in Poland to the Diaspora Friszke , for they believed that a critical dialogue with the Diaspora might awaken the intelligentsia at home.
The partner for the revolutionary intellectuals could only be Kultura. According to Korek, the post-revisionists distanced themselves from the ideas of independence promoted by Kultura because they had no interest in the state.
Instead of independence, they called for the liberation of society and the individual. Social justice, for the post-revisionists, was more important than the state. According to the post-revisionists, the most important battle against totalitarianism was not played out in the political arena, but in the cul- tural and scholarly arenas that create values and are the fundamental ingredi- ents in social bonds and in a national identity based on universal principles.
Kultura began to publish works by new contributors in the s. While working at universities in the West he began collaborating with Kultura by publishing there his famous essays and books. It constituted a fundamental reversal in the relationship between the mostly leftist intelligentsia in Poland and the Diaspora, leading to collabor- ation with Kultura. Giedroyc and the intellectuals in Poland soon found a common ground in assessing the social situation in Poland.
Mieroszewski and Giedroyc were convinced that the intelligentsia had to cooperate with the workers if change was to occur in Poland. In the mids, Giedroyc foresaw an explosion of social dissatisfaction.
Its prog- ress and fallout, he claimed, would be more significant than in December , because the PUWP had already lost trust. The polemics about programs and activities soon started to appear in Kultura.
Socjusz pointed to the relicts of revisionism in the new opposition pro- grams. He polemicized with their theses, cautioning the opposition against es- tablishing ties with any faction of the Party, even with those that were con- sidered liberal and would be prepared to carry out their social objectives. They renounced Polish independence and claimed that a Poland neighboring on both Ger- many and Russia must decide that Germany was the foe and Russia a friend that would guarantee the western Polish border.
They were planned by the opposition and brought the intelligentsia and workers together. Giedroyc appealed to the West for support in , adding: He expect concrete, enduring, and sensible solidarity. It de- manded reforms in the socialist economy through the privatization of state industries. Kultura took a hardline position: The martial law was Soviet fascism. Solidarity, wrote Giedroyc, was neither organizationally nor psychologically prepared for aggression and for risking to die.
Thanks to the contacts that Giedroyc had established over the years it could publish dozens of Solidarity documents, programs of action, commentaries, polemics, and accounts submitted from Poland. It became a forum which allowed Soli- darity activists and advisors to discuss issues with each other, and it was the only independent, severe, and meritorious judge of the publications and ac- tivities of the Solidarity leadership. In fighting Communism, Poland and the nations of East-Central Europe must collaborate with each other and rely, above all, on one another.
This col- laboration entails activating the elite and undertaking efforts to reform the fu- ture independent states throughout the entire region. Historical divisiveness and national stereotypes, which make under- standing among the nations of East-Central Europe impossible, must be overcome.
It is necessary to work towards an understanding among all nations of East-Central Europe. A new stage must be ushered in in relations with the Germans, whom communist propaganda represented as a permanent threat to Poland.
There must be respect for pluralism in the world and ideologies with the exception of the totalitarian ideologies of Bolshevism and Nazism. Kultura played a major role in the documentation and analysis of histori- cal and artistic Polish-Jewish relations.
Articles, memoires, and books on the shared history of Poles and Jews, as well as translations of Jewish authors, ap- peared in the monthly itself, and in the books of Biblioteka Kultura and Zeszyty Historyczne. Giedroyc published articles about Polish-Jewish relations already in his magazines of the s, noting the rise of anti-Semitic sentiments in Po- land. Another constant theme was the extermination of Jews by Germans on Polish soil the German concentration camps in Poland in service of the Final Solution.
Moreover, Kultura continually concerned itself with the existence of anti-Semitism among Poles, and devoted much attention to anti-Semitism in the Polish Communist Party in and the ease with which anti-Semitic communist propaganda was accepted by Polish society.
Kultura led the battle against anti- Semitism, emphasizing that it was a universal evil, that harms Poland because it shuts down contact with the West. It analyzed the political and social situation in Israel, noting the most important Polish-Jewish conferences and meetings. In an attempt to foster cooperation between Poles and Jews as quickly as possible, Giedroyc became in the final years of his life a patron in the establishment of a Polish Chair at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem.
How- ever, a fan twisted into a tight fist gives the impression of a being short cud- gel. All authors linked anti-Communism with the hope of restoring an independent and democratic Polish state. One instance of this uncompromising critique concerned judging the Catholic Church. Kultura systematically published articles on Church and re- ligion, which dealt with the place of the Church in a democratic society, with religion in relation to changing norms and phenomena of civilization, and with the specific role of the Church in the communist system.
During the martial law, the Catholic Church was the only place where the opposition could meet legally, and organize ma- terial and financial aid for those repressed. Pomian vol. Writers and Literature Though Giedroyc considered the European democratic tradition, its political ideals, and its cultural achievements as the most important weapon against Communism, he realized that to achieve his goals he needed writers, even if Kultura was not a literary magazine.
Thanks to Giedroyc, writers thousands of kilometers afar, who would have surely remained unknown in their countries of settlement, came to be pub- lished in Kultura. Giedroyc reached them by mail, persuaded them sometimes it took several years!
Czapski, Stempowski, and some other older writers began to write again after the war only thanks to Kultura. Giedroyc contrasted literature to political parties and similar institutions, which do not create moral models and do not inspire people to intellectual work, even if they are essential for organizing public life. Writers retained their distinctiveness and independence.
Even though the views and concepts behind Kultura con- gealed in certain matters, relationships would as often as not deteriorate and lead to confrontations, and, in drastic cases, even to ruptures after many years of collaboration. Exile Cultures Abroad criticism receded into the background. He broke off all contacts with Giedroyc, and started to publish all his texts in Poland, in Plus-Minus, the literary supplement of Rzeczpospolita The Republic. Giedroyc published writers of all ages.
In addition, Giedroyc helped launch the career of writers who grew up abroad and began to write in Polish during exile, such as Andrzej Busza, Bog- dan Czaykowski, and Adam Czerniawski. The writers who published in Kultura were linked by the historical experi- ence of East-Central Europe next to the ones mentioned above e. Henryk Grynberg and Leopold Tyrmand. It was created mostly by writers who started in the s and for whom writ- ing in exile became an extension of their earlier work.
A radical change took place after , when an illegal pub- lishing market, outside the reach of the censor, emerged: From the start, literature was constantly present in Kultura and was repre- sented by all genres and translations.
Giedroyc published poems in every issue; however, the most important and recognizable genres were those of narrative prose: Kultura also published sociological and philosophical texts, articles on the history of science on political theory, and other subjects.
One can say that in the s young writers took on issues which seemed, for those abroad, to have been exhausted a long time ago: Giedroyc never formulated a literary program of his own. Inviting writers to collaborate, he only asked that their work represent the highest literary standards, a variety of themes and political views, and that they distinguish themselves in their originality, even at the price of arousing the aesthetic or ideological indignation of the readership.
Giedroyc preferred literature that had a clear social calling, touched on myths of collective consciousness, and provoked discussion. He encouraged writers to break conventions, shatter stereotypes, shape new view points, and demystify. He published writers for whom politi- cal freedom expressed itself in free speech. When it came to be known in that the Congress was partly financed by the CIA, Giedroyc refused accepting all support coming form it.
That year two prominent writers affiliated with Kultura, Gombrowicz and Stempowski, had died. At the same time, new collaborators joined: Pomian, Wojciech Skal- mowski pseud. Adam Kruczek , Leo- pold Unger pseud. Brukselczyk , Andrzej Chilecki. Kultura did not separate political from literary discourse.
Exile Cultures Abroad rative forms. However, Kultura did not renounce contact with the writers who supported the Stalinist regime between and , if they were willing to change their stance. For Kultura, the turning point in assessing the political views of the intellectuals was It welcomed all intellectuals who opposed the PUWP after Giedroyc agreed with Stempowski that older writers took advantage of privileges that other profes- sional groups did not have, while at the same time viewing themselves as mar- tyrs.
Giedroyc conjectured that the articles published in Kultura would stimu- late opposition against the communist regime in Poland and encourage writers to abandon their opportunism in relation to the PUWP. In , Kultura issued an appeal to intellectuals living in Po- land: Francja — Pen Sketches: France —, all in — were all difficult works. They shattered the national mythology and demanded a revi- sion of Polish mentality. Today, each of these books belongs to the canon of twentieth-cen- tury Polish literature.
The profile of Biblioteka Kultury crystallized in the early years of the series. Giedroyc published authors of all generations, all writers with radical political and aesthetic views, practicians of various genres, and, above all, those that broached national taboos and stereotypes, posed existential questions, and searched for a new model of Polishness in contemporary civilization.
After , Giedroyc became the only independent authority for many writers in Poland, and Kultura the most important Polish publishing house.
Symbolic were the visits by the eminent writers Andrzej Stawar and Aleks- ander Wat, who were affiliated with the communist movement before the war.
Stawar, employing Marxism as a critical methodology already in the s, published his anti-Stalinist journalistic work Pisma ostatnie Final Letters in the Biblioteka Kultura, and shortly died afterwards.
This autobiography was one of the few eminent books that Giedroyc decided not to publish. It was soon translated, however, into French, German, and English.
Up until , contact between Kultura and the writers in Poland was in- frequent because few people were allowed to travel outside the country. Exile Cultures Abroad was followed by repression. As Gie- droyc wrote: Kultura is undoubtedly under the fire from the censor.
Its issues are regularly confiscated.
My minimal expec- tations were only that Kultura reach without difficulty magazines, libraries, universities, as well as journalists and literati. Kultura, therefore, began to employ sophisticated means of smuggling its books into Poland, for example, by replacing the covers with those of typical books of Soviet propa- ganda or by producing them in miniature format with very small type com- parable to the size of a cigarette package.
Even the sale of typewriters was con- trolled. For this reason, the greatest threats to the governments in communist countries were literature and the public pronouncements of writers. Commu- nists had a monopoly over their content and completely controlled the activ- ities of the magazine editors and publishers. Kultura took up the fight to shatter this monopoly. Knowing, however, how brutal the system of communist re- pression was toward people demanding free speech, Kultura did not demand radical activities of writers.
It did support all sorts of testimonies of resistance, aware that in a communist country every gesture of protest had a political, sym- bolic, and moral meaning, and, more than that, it became a model for others to imitate. Each such protest laid bare the falseness of the official ideology, and revealed the lies, and, above all, the repressive character of the communist power in Poland.
They risked having their works placed on the index of prohibited authors in Poland, which meant prohibition of publication and reviewing their books in the Polish press; once they returned, their passport could be withdrawn, they could be prohibited from leaving the country, and sometimes even dismissed from their job.
The communists most violently attacked Kul- tura throughout the s and 60s. The exception was —57, when Kultura could disseminate its publications in Poland, even though it had no right of circulation. Library regulations were liberalized, and the postal service once again began to deliver Kultura and books about which the majority of readers had never heard earlier.
Information about Kultura cropped up in the news- papers, and for a few months one could even import Kultura into Poland as customs were practically inexistent.
As a result, Kultura penetrated into the consciousness of the Polish intelligentsia. However, shortly afterwards, when this liberalism ended, the communist papers began to criticize Kultura fiercely, criticizing it emphatically no other manner of writing was permitted.
However, in the s, a side-effect of these ritualized ideological attacks became obvious.
Exile Cultures Abroad ing Kultura, it must be a good and important journal. During the martial law, Kultura was accessible only through the distribution system of the underground publishing houses, at the risk of severe repression. For several decades, Kultura served as an informal center of research for Polish and East-Central European affairs, a publishing house, an archive, a li- brary, and an office documenting the history of Polish emigration.
Between and , Kultura published titles with a total print run of five mil- lion. Everything that was published whenever and wherever in Polish […] is collected, cata- logued, and stored. Against the background of the current crisis in emigration, against the background of the decay and collapse of so many authorities and institutions, the fact that Kultura not only continues but is evolving takes on special significance.
Happily, Kultura is dependent on a wide circle of Readers and friends. The publications of the Instytut Literacki were a primary source for indepen- dent magazines and publishing houses working outside the purview of the censor. Several hundred illegal magazines benefited from reprinting what Kultura published in article or book form years earlier Supruniuk vols 1 and 2.
The authority and trust that Kul- tura earned in exile meant that international organizations and Polonia insti- tutions abroad entrusted Giedroyc with funds to assist in Poland. The latter was published from around the beginning of the martial law up until the elections in , in a print run of approximately eighty thou- sand. Its editors launched in the Spring of the largest daily in Poland, the Gazeta Wyborcza Newspaper of the Electorate. From to , when subscriptions to Kultura were at their height, Giedroyc helped several dozen magazines, publishing houses, and or- ganizations annually.
Their subscriptions fluctuated. These were very large sums then: Kultura gave much support to Polish translations of scholarly and literary works, particularly from East-Central Europe, and mostly Russian and Ukrai- nian literary works.
By simultaneously publishing books from the West and East, Giedroyc wanted to confront both experiences, and, above all, to show the East European experience. Exile Cultures Abroad Several issues of Kultura appeared as monographs in other languages: Giedroyc also rallied Czech, Polish, Russian, and Hungarian opposition activists to support declarations of independence for the Ukraine.
The most difficult period for Kultura came, paradoxically, after the fall of Communism in and the lifting of censorship in Poland in April Kultura lost its privileged independent position, and became one of many un- censored periodicals that shaped Polish public opinion.
Its voice ceased to be a reference point and the arbiter of national affairs. From a journal focused on the exile, Kultura turned increasingly into a national journal, as attested to not only by the issues it dealt with, but also by the growing role of national authors. From a literary-societal monthly, it transformed itself into a political periodical, although the editors never gave up their cultural columns, especially that on literature G.
Nevertheless, the Polish intellectual elite read it, and so it was able to pro- voke and generate polemics in political and cultural affairs up to its very last issue. It stirred up intense emotions by con- frontating the private opinions of known critics with the official literary canon. Kultura now also became a subject of interest to historians and artists.
Interviews appeared, scholarly articles, and bibli- ographies were published, conference sessions and exhibits were organized. By the end of the s, Kultura was a symbol of the most valued heritage of the post Polish exile culture. Giedroyc kept his distance from these ritualistic declarations of recognition. His symbolic gesture was to refuse a diploma bestowed on him in by the Minister of Foreign Affairs for his service in disseminating of Polish culture abroad, and his refusal to travel to Poland after the fall of Com- munism.
Giedroyc died in According to his wishes, Kultura stopped pub- lication after his death. Kultura also had a key role in acquainting Polish readers with western Sovietology, and western economic, literary, and cultural issues.
For several generations of Poles, Kultura became a symbolic rescue boat, a raft that helped salvage the most valuable treasures of the national heritage after the catastrophe of World War II. Furthermore, it was highly suc- cessful in both arenas.
As a symbol of historical continuity, Kultura kept in- dependent Polish political thought alive in times of unprecedented darkness. Stalinism, even more than Hitlerism, was apparently capable of suppressing fires and demoralizing the spirit. Kultura was a shelter and a road sign for those who never lost hope in a free and democratic Poland.
It became a sym- bolic continuation of the great exiles of the nineteenth century, preserving thus a tradition that connected the history of Poland to Paris G. Po- mian Its Edi- torial Board and collaborators were witnesses to the contact between the east- ern and western parts of Europe. Its contributors described Poland and East-Central Europe from the perspective that represented a cultural challenge to the Western world. Kultura showed a society imprisoned after in a mono- ethnic bell-glass of national Communism, which was shielded from the stan- dards and issues of Western societies: Its more than fifty years of output turned out to be a unique connection between the historical experience of East-Central Europe and its opening onto modernity.
Kul- tura , nr. Aron, Raymond. Kultura , nr. Berberyusz, Ewa. Mara- but, Bobkowski, Andrzej. Francja — Sketches with a Quill: France — Instytut Literacki, Journal — In War and Peace: Journal — Noir Sur Blanc, Krzysztof Pomian, 4th ed. Burnham, James. The Struggle for the World. New York: John Day, Monte Cassino. Poet Community in the Second Corps and its Writing.
Arcana, Most, Vol 1. Zeszyty Historyczne His- torical Notebooks — Vol 2. Zeszyty Historyczne — Vol 3. The New Class: An Analysis of the Communist System. Praeger, Fabre-Luce, Alfred. Florczak Zbigniew.
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